This Really Feels Like War

The security situation in Israel has deteriorated dramatically over the past week. Although we have unfortunately become accustomed to having to endure persistent shelling from Gaza over the past few months and years, the events of the past week have even superseded that. Such has been the level of the escalation over the last 7 days, that the situation is feeling more and more like all-out war.

The latest onslaught started last weekend when no fewer than 50 missiles were launched from Gaza towards Israeli territory during a 40 minute period on Saturday. As always, missiles were launched in a random sort of way and were directed at civilian neighbourhoods. A Grad missile was launched into a neighbourhood of the seaside city of Ashkelon. Under the circumstances, it was miraculous that only two people were lightly injured in this barrage. The bombing did not let up in the first few days of the week. On Monday, further Grad missiles were fired on Ashkelon and Beer Sheva. Again, it is only due to good fortune that a few people were lightly hurt and that more serious injuries did not result. This set the pattern for the week which did not see a day without missiles being launched into Israeli territory.

The week's violence culminated on Wednesday when an explosive device detonated at a busy bus stop in Jerusalem. Although the device was relatively small (when compared to other bombs that the city has been forced to endure in the past), it was clearly intended to reap as much havoc and destruction as possible. A number of buses were at the stop at the time of the explosion, and many pedestrians were waiting or walking in the area. It was only due to the actions of one hero, David Moyal, that many more injuries and deaths were prevented. In this incident, 1 foreign national was killed and 60 others injured including children.

These events continued into Thursday when missiles were fired towards the most populous part of Israel. A missile landed not far from Rishon Le Tzion, and a mere 25km from Tel Aviv. Further missiles were fired on Friday and Saturday resulting in damage to people's homes, and it was again miraculous that deaths and serious injuries were avoided.

In the wake of the terror attack on the streets of Jerusalem, Prime Minister Netanyahu vowed to return the "quiet" that Israel has experienced over the past two years, back to its streets. It is a sad indication of our situation that the prime minister can say that we have experienced quiet despite the incessant firing of missiles towards innocent civilians. More than this, Israelis simply accepted his words without any fuss at all. This is not quiet by any independent standards, and we should not be forced to accept this situation as normal.

It is difficult to see how this situation can be brought under control without further escalation. The Israeli authorities are quoted as saying that Gaza is ruled by anarchy and it seems as though chaos is the order of the day. Although it is clear that not all the attacks have been initiated by the Hamas rulers in the Gaza Strip, they have created an environment which makes it acceptable for splinter groups to do as they please. It is increasingly difficult to know who is responsible for individual attacks or missile launches. It is obvious, however, that Hamas is doing little to prevent these attacks from taking place. Even if the attacks are not all directly initiated by Hamas, it seems clear that they are taking place with at least the tacit support of the rulers of Gaza. These attacks come and go without so much as a word of condemnation from the so-called "free world" countries.

Much is being made of Israel's "Iron Dome" protection system which is due for implementation this week, after many months of development and preparation. This is an anti-missile system that is designed to intercept the Kassam and Grad missiles which have been repeatedly launched towards Israel. The Iron Dome system is unique in that it is designed to intercept short-range missiles. They are more difficult to intercept by virtue of the fact that there are only a few seconds from the moment that the missile is launched, until it hits its target. During this short period of time, the anti-missile interceptor needs to be launched and hit its target in order to be effective. Iron Dome is designed to do this.

Ultimately, Iron Dome and similar systems will not prove to be a quick fix for the problem that we have. No matter how effective our defence systems prove to be, we will not be able to rest until we can bring a permanent halt to the firing of missiles from Gaza. Operation Cast Lead brought such a halt for a short period of time, but it was unfortunately only a temporary lull. If we are to believe the statements being made by Hamas, the only way in which they will stop their missile fire is if the Jews are no longer resident in the Land of Israel. Because this is obviously not an option, we have a stalemate situation.

The uprisings that are taking place in many countries around the Middle East form part of the background for the increase in the attacks on Israel. It seems like the protests and violence occurring elsewhere in the region are giving Hamas and its fellow terror groups further appetite for confrontation with Israel. The escalation on our doorstep feels more and more like we are headed into another war, as it is difficult to see how the violence will suddenly recede after having reached this level. This is despite statements today by Hamas that they are interested in returning to a "ceasefire" in the event that Israel refrains from its retaliation strikes. The offer of a ceasefire usually signals the need to rearm ahead of the next round of hostilities.

As much as I feel pessimistic about the prospects for a peaceful period ahead in the short-term, I also feel extremely optimistic about our continued existence in the Land of Israel in the longer-term. We are ready for the next war, both militarily and psychologically. In a sense, we are also resigned to the fact that this is unfortunately inevitable. As much as war, violence and terrorism kills a piece of our heart due to the casualties suffered, so it stokes the fire in our belly to continue to fight for our future here. This fire burns strong, and nobody has the power to extinguish it. Am Yisrael Chai - the People of Israel lives!

Being Happy on Purim

Today is the day that Jews around the world celebrate the festival of Purim. The festival celebrates the victory of the Jews of Persia over the anti-Semitic Haman, who sought to have them all annihalated. It was only through the actions of Queen Esther and her uncle, the righteous Mordechai, that the king was convinced to save the Jews and to execute his trusted adviser Haman instead. To mark this miraculous event, Jewish law requires that Jews be happy on Purim. In fulfillment of this commandment, it is customary for adults and children to dress in fancy dress, and for adults to consume copious amounts of alcohol. A rabinnic ruling says that people should revel on Purim until "they cannot tell the difference between the evil Haman and the saintly Mordechai".

But how can we be happy on Purim when, only one week earlier, 5 members of the Fogel family have been ruthlessly murdered in their beds? And how can we feel safe on Purim when communities near to the Gaza Strip had to endure 50 rockets being fired by the Palestinians randomly towards Jewish homes in a short space of 40 minutes yesterday? How can we celebrate the festival when the memory of the 8 young boys who were murdered 3 years ago while sitting in the library of the Mercaz Harav religious school in Jerusalem is still so fresh in our minds? How can we revel in the miracle of Purim when Gilad Shalit remains in captitivity for the 6th year, without his basic humanitarian needs being taken care of? Does Gilad even know that today is Purim? These events and others make it difficult to celebrate Purim and feel genuine happiness from the bottom of our hearts. Despite this, we are obliged to feel happiness and joy on this festival.

It seems unusual to be commanded to have an emotional feeling as part of one's obligations on a festival. And yet, this is the situation on Purim. Our rabbis draw a link between Purim and Yom Kippurim (Yom Kippur, also translated as "a day like Purim"), which is Judaism's most solemn day. They make the point that observant Jews would not consider the possibility of not fasting on Yom Kippur if they do not feel like it. By the same token, we are expected to feel happy on Purim even if we don't particularly feel happy. This is part of our commitment to G-d and the blind fulfillment of His commandments.

In spite of the sadness that many parts of Israel are feeling, Purim was celebrated today as usual and as in previous years. The parades in towns and cities went ahead to the sounds of blaring music and accompanied by adults and children dressed up in all manner of outfits. Young children fulfilled their fantasies of dressing up as princesses, superheros and movie characters. Gifts of food were given by people to their friends, and donations made to the needy to allow all to partake in the traditional Purim feast. The story of Purim (the Megilah of Esther) was recited for all to hear, and Haman's name was drowned out by boos and graggers in the traditional way. Dressing up parties continued into the early hours. In particular, in the settlement of Itamar, a special effort was made to be happy on Purim. The fact that we were able to be happy on Purim against the background of all the other events, is a great achievement and serves to honour G-d's commandment to an even greater extent.

Wouldn't it be good if we can wake up on the day after Purim, and feel the same happiness in evidence? Unfortunately, reality will come back to roost and we will be back to dealing with our daily threats, issues and feelings of loss. All these tragic events that we continue to suffer embroider the blanket of Jewish history in much the same way as the Purim events that took place in Persia all those years ago. In some ways, things have not changed at all. As much as I hope that we will be able to work through the everpresent threats and reach a situation where we can live in peace without anybody having the intention to harm or kill us, that time has not yet come.

Just as the Jews of Persia took it upon themselves to do all that they could to secure the future of the Jewish people, we do the same today. On this, the happiest day in the Jewish calendar, we feel particularly close to those who have to make the maximum effort to be happy today. We think about the surviving members of the Fogel family, and we think about the Shalit family who fight tirelessly to return their son and brother home. We think about all the survivors of the Holocaust, and we think about those families who have lost loved ones in war or terror incidents over the past 63 years and more. We thank them for making such an effort to be happy on Purim even if there is deep pain in their hearts. This is a sign of strength and resilience that the Jewish people have, and that we are not ready to give up on this battle for survival.

Chag Purim sameach. Happy Purim.

Murder Most Horrid in Itamar

Israelis came out of the weekend with a feeling of shock, horror and revulsion. Although stories of the disastrous Japanese earthquake and tsunami fill the international news bulletins and those in Israel, there is a story closer to home which is taking us back to a place where none of us wish to be. This is the story of the brutal and senseless murder of 5 members of the Fogel family in the settlement of Itamar near to Hebron.

The details of the story are slowly being drip fed to the public as the details emerge. There were no witnesses to the heinous crime as all the witnesses were killed in the devastating attack. The story as we know it so far is constructed with pieces put together by those who discovered the scene, crime scene investigators and security personnel who continue to seek out the perpetrators of the attack. It seems as though the parents and 5 of their 6 children retired to bed after their usual Sabbath meal on Friday evening. Their oldest child, 12 year-old Tamar, went out after dinner to her youth movement activity. This could well have saved her life. She was the one who raised the alarm when she found that she was unable enter the house upon returning home later in the evening. The scene that greeted her and the neighbour accompanying her, was too horrific for words. Her mother, father, two brothers aged 11 and 4, and 3-month old baby sister all lay dead in their beds. Two other siblings seem to have been saved by virtue of the fact that the murderer or murderers did not realise that there were other children in the house in a separate room. The victims had all been brutally and forcefully stabbed to death as they lay sleeping in their beds.

It is not yet clear whether the crime was perpetrated by a person on his own, or whether there were accomplices. It is also not clear why and how the extensive security arrangements which surround Itamar and other similar settlements failed the Fogel family on this occasion. These questions will be answered in due course. For now, all we can think about is the fact that three young children have today buried their parents and three siblings. This is surely not the natural circle of life, and yet it is all too frequent in the reality of Middle Eastern politics.

Other questions abound as we absorb the full scale of this horror. What sort of person can enter the private home of people that he does not know, and take the lives of a family as they sleep in their beds? The Al Aqsa Martyrs Brigade have been quick to claim responsibility for this attack. The announcement was tinged with a sense pride, if it is at all possible to be proud about such a cowardly act. Can the killer justify this murder by the negative experiences that he has had or the lack of justice in his life? Is this truly a like-for-like revenge act? The Palestinian Authority and Hamas both appear to believe so if we judge by their luke-warm responses to the attack. Instead of coming out and condemning the massacre without reservation, they have both chosen to put out tepid statements about how they condemn violence of any type. This is not good enough, and surely sends a message to the Palestinian people that their leadership lends tacit support (if not open support) to such terrorism.

The conflict between Israel and the Palestinians is a real war. It is a war that has been ongoing for more than 60 years, and shows no signs of abating anytime soon. It is a war that has claimed many casualties over the years. In war, there are casualties. Some of these are so-called "collateral damage", innocent civilians who accidentally happen to get in the way of genuine military conflict. The act of killing parents and children as they lie sleeping in their beds, however, does not qualify as "collateral damage". This is more like genocide. Even in a war situation, this type of behaviour can never be justified under any circumstances. Anybody who lends even the slightest justification to such a horrendous crime bears some responsibility for it, and its gruesome consequences.

The Fogel family was a religious and patriotic family. They loved the land of Israel, and believed that all parts of the Greater Land of Israel belong to the Jewish people. They were formerly residents of the Gaza Strip before they were forcefully removed by the government during the disengagement from the strip in 2005. They moved their family to re-establish themselves in the settlement of Itamar near to the West Bank city of Hebron. Their politics brought them into conflict with many Palestinians who lay claim to the West Bank and, indeed, much of the Land of Israel. They had witnessed the government take their home in Gaza and hand it over on a golden platter to the Palestinians. Since then, the Palestinians have done nothing useful with the land, nor the homes and businesses that were given to them. This was the background against the Fogel family moved to live in Itamar, and to die there.

The personal tragedy suffered by this family is currently overwhelming in its intensity. The political ramifications are, however, substantial and significant. How can the Israeli government be expected to agree to establish a Palestinian state on its borders when this type of behaviour is prevalent, and is likely to continue? The act of handing the Gaza Strip to the Palestinians has proved that no amount of territorial concessions will be enough unless it is all the land that we have. The worst part about this and other acts of terror, is the fact that the Palestinian Authority lends them some level of support. This is not creating a situation conducive to peace. With acts like this, it is clear that a peace agreement can never work in such an environment.

My thoughts go out to the family and to the mourners. May they be comforted amongst the mourners of Zion during this hour of extreme grief, and may they know no further sorrow. May the memories of the deceased be for a blessing.

Everything is Permanent Until it is Changed

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced last week that he was changing his tactics with regard to the negotiations with the Palestinians. Until now, his position on the peace talks was that he was not prepared to enter into any "interim" agreement. Instead, he wanted to strike a "permanent" agreement which includes agreement on all the so-called final status issues. Now, he has changed his approach and says that he is willing to come to an agreement with the Palestinians on the basis of "temporary" borders. Despite the different language being used, has anything really changed in his approach?

It is not entirely clear what was driving Netanyahu’s original position to prefer a permanent solution rather than a temporary one. My interpretation is that he was trying to delay the declaration of the Palestinian state by position himself to reach agreement on all the most difficult issues before the state is established. The unresolved issues with the Palestinians have been dividend into issues that can be solved in the near-term, and others which should be delayed until later to be resolved (more contentious and difficult). From the outset when late Prime Minister Yitzchak Rabin initiated the dialogue with the Palestinians, he believed that it would be better to show initial success in getting some of the easier points agreed before tackling the more difficult issues at a later date. This approach gave rise to the so-called “final status issues” which referred to the more difficult points such as the status of Jerusalem, refugees etc. which were to be delayed until later. There are those who believe that Netanyahu was employing a tactic to look like he was making progress, while not really making progress at all. Netanyahu is actually on record as saying that he thought that the final status issues could be resolved within a year. I am not sure that there were many who believed him when he said it, and the lack of progress more than a year later has proved their scepticism to be well founded. Was Netanyahu really saying that he did not want to come to any agreement with the Palestinians at all? I am not sure, but I believe it would be difficult to prove this.

The difference between what is temporary and what is permanent is a matter of interpretation. Everything is temporary, even whatever is permanent, because things change all the time. By the same token, everything is permanent until it is changed. So the terms temporary and permanent are really used simply to invoke some sort of human emotion and expectation about the direction and speed of how things will evolve. The truth about Middle Eastern politics is that it is enormously difficult to change anything. So even the so-called temporary agreements prove to be somewhat permanent because they are often difficult to change afterwards. I think that it is the last point which may have contributed to Netanyahu’s change of approach over the past few weeks.

If he decides to agree to the establishment of a Palestinian state with “temporary” borders, not a great deal changes from today’s situation. He is not forced to compromise on the difficult issues such as the status of Jerusalem, West Bank construction and the possibility of having to give up towns and settlements with substantial Jewish populations. Instead, he can agree to the establishment of the new state in the current configuration, by sending out the message that it is "temporary". Although agreement to the formal establishment of a Palestinian state will have dramatic political ramifications, the situation on the ground is unlikely to change much. The Palestinian Authority already rules over this land, so this aspect does not change. What changes is the level of international representation and recognition that such a state will have. Most importantly, such an act will serve to substantially reduce the international pressure that Netanyahu is currently under to agree to this state being established.

As soon as the temporary agreement is reached and the international pressure recedes, the daily reality of relations between Israel and the Palestinian state will probably continue along the same lines as today. The interdependencies between the two entities will not change dramatically and the security cooperation will continue as it does today. The unresolved final status issues will probably remain open for some time, as the pressure to agree these will decrease due to the fact that the Palestinians will have a state of their own. This temporary situation may, in fact, continue for tens or even hundreds of years in the current climate of the Middle Eastern politics.

What is likely to change once a Palestinian state comes into existence is the accountability of the Palestinian government. Today, it is a corrupt government that is not accountable to anybody except itself. Palestinain government officials frequently hide behind the fact that they do not have the same responsibilities as other countries as they are not an independent country. Their change of status will hopefully also mean that the international community will require certain standards of behaviour in the same way that these are demanded of other countries in the international community.

Netanyahu’s change of tactic superficially appears to change things substantially and, in some respects, it does bring about a big change in substance. I believe, however, that it reinforces the current status quo in more ways. It seems to me that the momentum towards the establishment of a Palestinian state is now unstoppable. Netanyahu recognises this, and will want to be seen to be supporting this process now that it is inevitable. At the same time, will wish to preserve as much of what he has at the moment without having to agree to give a great many things up. His idea of agreeing to the establishment of a state based on “temporary” borders is likely to satisfy the international community while not changing much on the ground.

The "temporary" solution seems to be Netanyahu's best chance of getting what he wants on both sides of the fence. This goes a long way to explaining his sudden change of heart.

Game Over For Gaddafi

Just when I thought I had witnessed the most unexpected events in the Middle East, the story of Libya reveals itself to be more surprising than anything I have seen to date. The fact that the uprising that is sweeping the Middle East has reached Libya is not the surprise. Colonel Gaddafi's authoritarian style was always going to be under attack as soon as his people had sufficient support and confidence to rebel against him. What has been most shocking for me is the way in which some of Gaddafi's closest circle have rebelled against him without being pushed very hard.

First was the strange story of two Libyan Mirage fighter jets that arrived in Malta last week. We were led to understand that the pilots had defected from Libya with their planes after they were ordered to bomb protestors who had taken over Libya's second-largest city, Benghazi. Considering that pilots are regarded amongst the elite of the elite of the Libyan military and Libyan society in general, I would imagine that pilots are screened to ensure their loyalty to Gaddafi and his regime. As such, they should not necessarily have conisdered an order to bomb protestors who are threatening the overthrow of Gaddafi as being something out of the ordinary. And yet, their loyalty appeared not to be as strong as I had imagined it would be. It proved not to be any match for their feeling of revulsion at the prospect of bombing their own people.

This episode was superceded by the scenes that took place at the United Nations Security Council on Friday when Libyan ambassador Mohamed Shalgham stood up to criticise his leader and childhood friend. Earlier in the week, he had spoken out in defence of Gaddafi and against the protestors. By the end of the week, however, he could no longer defend the manner in which Gaddafi was attacking the protestors in defence of his regime. He called on the United Nations Security Council to impose sanctions on the Libyan regime. This must surely be a unique United Nations event, when the ambassador of a country speaks out against his own government in this international forum. The Security decided in a unanimous vote to impose sanctions on Libya, and to refer Libya to the International Criminal Court in The Hague.

This was followed soon afterwards by scenes of the staff of the Libyan embassy in Washington taking down the Libyan flag, and replacing it with a flag that was in use prior to Gaddafi assuming power. Even Hollywood could not have written this script.

Amongst all the pieces of information spilling haphazardly out of Libya is the fact that Gaddafi was personally responsible for ordering the hit on Pan Am flight 103 which exploded over the Scottish town of Lockerbie. According to a Swedish newspaper, former Libyan justic minister Mustafa Mohamed Abud Al Jeleil said that Gaddafi personally ordered the hit on the plane. This confirms long-held suspicions that Gaddafi was personally behind this ghastly act of international terrorism.

Despite the fact that his support system is crumbling before his eyes, Gaddafi is hanging on for dear life. He is clinging on to power in Tripoli while the demonstrators have succeeded in taking control of many other cities across the country. His calls for his supporters to come out in public to show their support for him, has resulted in more violence and bloodshed. The army's support for him is wavering, and the writing is surely now on the wall Gaddafi has his supporters.

Leaders like Gaddafi are well-known for clinging onto whatever they have, and never being prepared to give up their power. This spells disaster for the people of Libya whose lives are endangered by protesting against their leader who has long overstayed his welcome. Despite the physical danger endured by the protestors, they seem to be prepared to risk their lives in favour of working to oust Gaddafi. When the situation reaches this position, there can surely be no turning back for the Libyan leader. The time has come for him to leave. The only question that remains is whether he will agree to do this without more bloodshed and loss of life. The message that he is sending, is that he will continue to fight even when the situation is hopeless.

As this revoluation blows through the Middle East, I hope that the leaders of other countries who will undoubtedly be affected, will be prepared to spare the bloodshed and violence. One of the key characteristics of being a good leader, is knowing when it is not worth fighting. Gaddafi has failed this test miserably. Is it too much to hope that other leaders in the Middle East will avoid this tragic error?

Catastrophe in Christchurch

I was horrified to see the pictures of the effects of the devastating earthquake which took place in the New Zealand city of Christchurch earlier this week. And all this after having suffered a major earthquake only 5 months ago. In September last year, there was damage caused but no casualties. Unfortunately, this time Christchurch, has not been so lucky.

Casualties have mounted with almost 100 people reported dead and a few hundred still missing. The scenes of building collapses across the city of Christchurch are quite shocking to view, and the central feature of the cathedral of Christchurch remains barely a shadow of its former glory.

What is more shocking about these scenes, is the fact that New Zealand is a country which has paid a great deal of attention over the years to ensuring that buildings are built to special earthquake standards. The general public are trained to respond to earthquakes, and have frequent earthquake drills to prepare for moments like these. Despite this fact, the damage is widespread and there are likely to be many more deaths to add to the already mounting list. It could be said that the devastation would be much wider if these precautions had not been taken. Witness the impact on a country like Haiti, which had no earthquake preparations in place whatsoever. It lost hundreds of thousands of its citizens, and remains on its knees more than a year after the earthquake.

For me, this earthquake feels personal. I fondly remember the time that I spent in New Zealand and, particularly, my visit to Christchurch. I remember being entertained by the famous Wizard of Christchurch in the shadow of the cathedral that has now lost its steeple and its proud position of domination in the centre of the city. This was all part of a wonderful adventure that I had in New Zealand as an exchange student. Not only did I enjoy the beauty of the country, the people were so kind and welcoming and made me feel like I really belonged.

For now, the scene in Christchurch is covered by a black cloud. It is difficult to see past the death and damage which have been thrust upon this city over the past few days. I have no doubt, however, that the people of Christchurch will show a fighting spirit to overcome this tragedy, and will rebuild their city to be at least as good as it previously was. The people of New Zealand will ensure that this is achieved as soon as possible.

For now, my thoughts are with those who have lost loved ones, who have been injured and who are concerned about missing friends and relatives. May they be granted the strength and the resilience to overcome this terrible tragedy. "God defend New Zealand".

The Challenges Facing Benny Gantz

Lt. Gen. Benny Gantz has now taken over as Chief of General Staff of the Israel Defence Force (IDF) after a very forgettable period in the upper echelons of the high command. He has major challenges ahead of him, both in terms of repairing damage caused over the past few month as well as confronting threats that Israel faces and will continue to face in the foreseeable future.

The very public falling-out between Minister of Defence Barak and former Chief of General Staff Gabi Ashkenazi did no favours to either of man. Although Ashkenazi was the one whose tenure was not extended by the minister of defence and he paid the price by losing his job, Ehud Barak has not come out of the incident with his reputation intact. The public holds the view that his decision to terminate Ashkenazi's term was purely personal, and did not consider the best interests of the State of Israel. In addition, the manner of doing so was unprofessional and has left a bitter taste in the mouths of the general public. Barak chose to fight his case in the public domain by using the national press to express his criticism of Ashkenazi. Despite this fact, I remain unsure exactly why Barak decided not to extend Ashkenazi's time in office. I am not alone in my confusion. It is the defence minister's right and responsibility to nominate the IDF chief of general staff, and the ultimate decision is taken together with the prime minister, and with the approval of the cabinet. This process need not take place in the eye of the general public, particularly when there seems to be a personal vendetta tied into the subject. Barak's tactics seem to me to have been flawed.

Having decided to terminate Ashkenazi, Barak then proposed Yoav Galant to be his replacement. It appears as though Barak was aware of the furore surrounding Galant's "land grab" at the time of his appointment, and this surely reflects negatively on Barak's choice. The dirty issue in question involves a dispute between Galant and the Israel Lands Authority about hundreds of square metres of land surrounding Galant's personal residence, which Galant is accused of grabbing for his own personal use when they don't belong to him. If Galant had any sense, he would have ensured that this issue was taken care of long before his appointment to succeed Ashkenazi as the head of the IDF. Instead, he allowed the problem to fester and, when it finally came out into the public domain, it prevented him from taking office. The government's attorney general and the government's comptroller both produced independent reports on the matter ruling that Galant has a case to answer for the land grab. Quite rightly, the cabinet decided to terminate Galant's appointment even before he took office. Barak is again the guy presented as having taken the incorrect option and Galant's promising career has been summarily terminated.

So now, the task of restoring the reputation of the office of the chief of general staff falls to the new man Benny Gantz who was hastily appointed after Galant was prevented from taking office. Although their names are similar, that appears to be where the similarities end. Not only does Gantz now have the enormous task of keeping Israel battle-ready in a changing world, he is also required to undertake substantial political repair work to restore reputations and working relationships. Gantz seems, for now, to be the right man for a most difficult job. He has started off on the right leg by maintaining a low profile while simply getting on with his job. He has not made any major political statements or public appearances. Instead, he has done exactly what is required of him at this time. He made his appearance at the prime minister's office to be awarded with his promotion in rank to that of Lt. General, after which he was sworn into office at a parade at the IDF high command in which he was inducted as the Israel's 20th chief of general staff. He immediately got to work without public fanfare or media interviews. He is, of course, a public figure and will inevitably appear in the media in the future. For now, however, he needs to keep his profile low and the level of his achievements high. He seems to understand this.

Gantz has taken over the command at one of the most interesting periods in Middle Eastern history. The flames of revolution are sweeping through the region at a pace that could not have been previously predicted. After uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt which have already succeeded in forcing the resignation of the rulers in those countries, protests are taking place in Libya, Yemen, Bahrain and Iran. Opposition forces in these countries have been encouraged by the successes witnessed, particularly in Egypt, and this is likely to begin to take hold in other countries too. It would not surprise me if this spreads to Syria, Jordan, other countries in the Emirates and even Saudi Arabia. All we can do is sit back in wonderment at the speed with which this change is taking place.

In his previous position as deputy chief of general staff, Benny Gantz was responsible for putting together the IDF's plans for 2011. With only 6 weeks of 2011 behind us, and less than a week into his new job, I wonder how relevant these plans are given the changes that are being experienced. While the successes achieved by the protestors seem good for democracy and freedom of speech, it is difficult to know exactly what types of government will replace the ones that are currently being dismantled. It is not inevitable that the new governments will be better, or more democratic, than the old ones. In the case of Egypt, the tearing down of Mubarak's government has left a dangerous vacuum that may spell more trouble than progress. The same may be the result in other countries where protests are taking place. Succession planning has not been big in the Middle East, and this creates its own set of dangers.

As Gantz gets his feet under his new desk and begins to take control of the situation, I wonder whether he might not have preferred the 2010 situation to the one that he finds in 2011. It is true that 2010 saw many hostile nations surrounding Israel with the threats that such a situation brings. But this hostility was not a moving feast. He will need to prepare himself for changing situations in many of these hostile nations, bringing the threat of more active hostility and threats to Israel rather than the simple lack of recognition, lack of diplomatic relations and public posturing and rhetoric that has characterised Israel's relations with many of these countries in the past. The hostility now runs the risk of being much more active and threatening to Israel's continued safety and survival. This is particularly true of the situation in Iran which continues with its program of constructing nuclear weapons. In the wrong hands, these could have devastating consequences for safety in the Middle East, and around the world.

Benny Gantz has a huge job on his hands. Taking over as the IDF's chief comes with massive responsibilities and challenges, even under "normal" circumstances. The particular situation which confronts Gantz comes with even greater challenges and pitfalls. It is our wish that he will succeed in carrying out his new job with much success and by bringing greater security to the State of Israel and her citizens. It is my hope that he will also be able to restore some sorely-needed pride and credibility to the political hierarchy of Israel's security establishment.